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Prototype theory

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Prototype theory is a mode of graded categorization in cognitive science, where some members of a category are more central than others. For example, when asked to give an example of the concept furniture, chair is more frequently cited than, say, stool. Prototype theory also plays a central role in linguistics, as part of the mapping from phonological structure to semantics.


As formulated in the 1970s by Eleanor Rosch and others, prototype theory was a radical departure from traditional necessary and sufficient conditions as in Aristotelian logic, which led to set-theoretic approaches of extensional or intensional semantics. Thus instead of a definition based model - e.g. a bird may be defined as elements with the features [+feathers], [+beak] and [+ability to fly], prototype theory would consider a category like bird as consisting of different elements which have unequal status - e.g. a robin is more prototypical of a bird than, say a penguin. This leads to a graded notion of categories, which is a central notion in many models of cognitive science and cognitive semantics, e.g. in the work of George Lakoff (Women, Fire and Dangerous Things, 1987) or Ronald Langacker (Foundations of Cognitive Grammar, vol. 1/2 1987/1991).


The term prototype has been defined in Eleanor Rosch's study "Natural Categories" (1973) and was first defined as a stimulus, which takes a salient position in the formation of a category as it is the first stimulus to be associated with that category. Later, she redefined it as the most central member of a category.


Contents


Cognitive representation of semantic categories

In her 1975 paper, Cognitive Representation of Semantic Categories (J Experimental Psychology v. 104:192-233), Eleanor Rosch asked 200 American college students to rate, on a scale of 1 to 7, whether they regarded the following items as a good example of the category furniture. The resulting ranks are as follows:

1 chair
1 sofa
3 couch
3 table
5 easy chair
6 dresser
6 rocking chair
8 coffee table
9 rocker
10 love seat
11 chest of drawers
12 desk
13 bed
...
22 bookcase
27 cabinet
29 bench
31 lamp
32 stool
35 piano
41 mirror
42 tv
44 shelf
45 rug
46 pillow
47 wastebasket
49 sewing machine
50 stove
54 refrigerator
60 telephone

While one may differ from this list in terms of cultural specifics, the point is that such a graded categorization is likely to be present in all cultures. Further evidence that some members of a category are more privileged than others came from experiments involving:


1. Response Times: in which queries involving a prototypical members (e.g. is a robin a bird) elicited faster response times than for non-prototypical members.
2. Priming: When primed with the higher-level (superordinate) category, subjects were faster in identifying if two words are the same. Thus, after flashing furniture, the equivalence of chair-chair is detected more rapidly than stove-stove.
3. Exemplars: When asked to name a few exemplars, the more prototypical items came up more frequently.

Subsequent to Rosch's work, prototype effects have been investigated widely in areas such as colour cognition (Brent Berlin and Paul Kay, 1969), and also for more abstract notions. Subjects may be asked, e.g. "to what degree is this narrative an instance of telling a lie?" [Coleman/Kay:1981]. Similarly work has been done on actions (verbs like look, kill, speak, walk [Pulman:83]), adjectives like "tall" [Dirven/Taylor:88], etc.


Another aspect in which Prototype Theory departs from traditional Aristotelian categorization is that there do not appear to be natural kind categories (bird, dog) vs. artefacts (toys, vehicles).


Basic level categories



The other notion related to prototypes is that of a Basic Level in cognitive categorization. Thus, when asked What are you sitting on?, most subjects prefer to say chair rather than a subordinate such as kitchen chair or a superordinate such as furniture. Basic categories are relatively homogeneous in terms of sensory-motor affordances — a chair is associated with bending of one's knees, a fruit with picking it up and putting it in your mouth, etc. At the subordinate level (e.g. [dentist's chairs], [kitchen chairs] etc.) hardly any significant features can be added to that of the basic level; whereas at the superordinate level, these conceptual similarities are hard to pinpoint. A picture of a chair is easy to draw (or visualize), but drawing furniture would be difficult.


Rosch (1978) defines the basic level as that level that has the highest degree of cue validity. Thus, a category like [animal] may have a prototypical member, but no cognitive visual representation. On the other hand, basic categories in [animal], i.e. [dog], [bird], [fish], are full of informational content and can easily be categorised in terms of Gestalt and semantic features.


Clearly semantic models based on attribute-value pairs fail to identify privileged levels in the hierarchy. Functionally, it is thought that basic level categories are a decomposition of the world into maximally informative categories. Thus, they


  • maximize the number of attributes shared by members of the category, and
  • minimize the number of attributes shared with other categories

However, the notion of Basic Level is problematic, e.g. whereas dog as a basic category is a species, bird or fish are at a higher level, etc. Similarly, the notion of frequency is very closely tied to the basic level, but is hard to pinpoint.


More problems arise when the notion of a prototype is applied to lexical categories other than the noun. Verbs, for example, seem to defy a clear prototype: [to run] is hard to split up in more or less central members.


Distance between concepts



The notion of prototypes is related to Wittgenstein's (later) discomfort with the traditional notion of category. This influential theory has resulted in a view of semantic components more as possible rather than necessary contributors to the meaning of texts. His discursion on the category game is particularly incisive (Philosophical Investigations 66, 1953):


Consider for example the proceedings that we call 'games'. I mean board games, card games, ball games, Olympic games, and so on. What is common to them all? Don't say, "There must be something common, or they would not be called 'games'"--but look and see whether there is anything common to all. For if you look at them you will not see something common to all, but similarities, relationships, and a whole series of them at that. To repeat: don't think, but look! Look for example at board games, with their multifarious relationships. Now pass to card games; here you find many correspondences with the first group, but many common features drop out, and others appear. When we pass next to ball games, much that is common is retained, but much is lost. Are they all 'amusing'? Compare chess with noughts and crosses. Or is there always winning and losing, or competition between players? Think of patience. In ball games there is winning and losing; but when a child throws his ball at the wall and catches it again, this feature has disappeared. Look at the parts played by skill and luck; and at the difference between skill in chess and skill in tennis. Think now of games like ring-a-ring-a-roses; here is the element of amusement, but how many other characteristic features have disappeared! And we can go through the many, many other groups of games in the same way; can see how similarities crop up and disappear. And the result of this examination is: we see a complicated network of similarities overlapping and criss-crossing: sometimes overall similarities, sometimes similarities of detail.


Clearly, the notion of family resemblance is calling for a notion of conceptual distance, which is closely related to the idea of graded sets, but there are problems as well.


Recently, Peter Gardenfors (Conceptual Spaces, MIT Press 2000) has elaborated a possible partial explanation of prototype theory in terms of multi-dimensional feature spaces, where a category is defined in terms of a conceptual distance. More central members of a category are "between" the peripheral members. He postulates that most natural categories exhibit a convexity in conceptual space, in that if x and y are elements of a category, and if z is between x and y, then z is also likely to belong to the category.


However, In the notion of game above, is there a single prototype or several? Recent linguistic data from colour studies seem to indicate that categories may have more than one focal element - e.g. the Tsonga colour term rihlaza refers to a green-blue continuum, but appears to have two prototypes, a focal blue, and a focal green. Thus, it is possible to have single categories with multiple, disconnected, prototypes, in which case they may constitute the intersection of several convex sets rather than a single one.


Combining categories



All around us, we find instances where objects like tall man or small elephant combine one or more categories. This was a problem for extensional semantics, where the semantics of a word such as red is to be defined as the set of objects having this property. Clearly, this does not apply so well to modifiers such as small; a small mouse is very different from a small elephant.


These combinations pose a lesser problem in terms of prototype theory. In situations involving adjectives (e.g. tall), one encounters the question of whether or not the prototype of [tall] is a 6 feet tall man, or a 400 feet skyscraper [Dirven and Taylor 1988]. The solution emerges by contextualizing the notion of prototype in terms of the object being modified. This extends even more radically in compounds such as red wine or red hair which are hardly red in the prototypical sense, but the red indicates merely a shift from the prototypical colour of wine or hair respectively. This corresponds to de Saussure's notion of concepts as purely differential: "non pas positivement par leur contenu, mais negativement par leurs rapports avec les autres termes du systeme" [p.162; not positively, in terms of their content, but negatively by contrast with other terms in the same system (tr. Harris 83)].


Other problems remain - e.g. in determining which of the constituent categories will contribute which feature? In the example of a "pet bird" [Hampton 97], pet provides the habitat of the compound (cage rather than the wild), whereas bird provides the skin type (feathers rather than fur).

Descriptive linguistics

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia



Descriptive linguistics is the work of analyzing and describing how language is spoken (or how it was spoken in the past) by a group of people in a speech community. All scholarly research in linguistics is descriptive; like all other sciences, its aim is to observe the linguistic world as it is, without the bias of preconceived ideas about how it ought to be. Modern descriptive linguistics is based on a structural approach to language, as exemplified in the work of Bloomfield and others.


Linguistic description is often contrasted with linguistic prescription, which is found especially in education and in publishing. Prescription seeks to define standard language forms and give advice on effective language use, and can be thought of as the attempt to present the fruits of descriptive research in a learnable form, though it also draws on more subjective aspects of language aesthetics. Prescription and description are essentially complementary, but have different priorities and sometimes are seen to be in conflict.


Accurate description of real speech is a difficult problem, and linguists have often been reduced to approximations. Almost all linguistic theory has its origin in practical problems of descriptive linguistics. Phonology (and its theoretical developments, such as the phoneme) deals with the function and interpretation of sound in language. Syntax has developed to describe the rules concerning how words relate to each other in order to form sentences. Lexicology collects "words" and their derivations and transformations: it has not given rise to much generalized theory.


An extreme "mentalist" viewpoint denies that the linguistic description of a language can be done by anyone but a competent speaker. Such speakers have internalized something called "linguistic competence", which gives them the ability to extrapolate correctly from their experience new but correct expressions, and to reject unacceptable expressions.


There are tens of thousands of linguistic descriptions of thousands of languages that were prepared by people without adequate linguistic training. Prior to 1900, there was little academic descriptions of language.


A linguistic description is considered descriptively adequate if it achieves one or more of the following goals of descriptive linguistics:


  1. A description of the phonology of the language in question.
  2. A description of the morphology of words belonging to that language.
  3. A description of the syntax of well-formed sentences of that language.
  4. A description of lexical derivations.
  5. A documentation of the vocabulary, including at least one thousand entries.
  6. A reproduction of a few genuine texts.

References

Lexical semantics


Lexical semantics is a subfield of linguistic semantics. It is the study of how and what the words of a language denote (Pustejovsky, 1995). Words may either be taken to denote things in the world, or concepts, depending on the particular approach to lexical semantics.


The units of meaning in lexical semantics are lexical units. One can continually add new lexical units throughout one's life, learning new words and their meanings. By contrast, one can only easily learn the grammatical rules of one's native language during a critical period when one is young.


Lexical semantics covers theories of the classification and decomposition of word meaning, the differences and similarities in lexical semantic structure between different languages, and the relationship of word meaning to sentence meaning and syntax.


One question that lexical semantics explores is whether the meaning of a lexical unit is established by looking at its neighbourhood in the semantic net (by looking at the other words it occurs with in natural sentences), or if the meaning is already locally contained in the lexical unit. Another topic that is explored is the mapping of words to concepts. As tools, lexical relations like synonymy, antonymy (opposites), hyponymy and hypernymy are used in this field.


References




PRAGMATIC PERSPECTIVE, GRAMMAR AND DISCOURSE ANALYSIS: THE NECESSARY RELATIONSHIPS.


S. Martín Menéndez, Letras, Universidad de Buenos Aires/Universidad Nacional de



Abstract


Pragmatic perspective (Verschueren 1995, 1999) has been defined not as a level or a component for analyzing language in use, but as a point of view (that is, at the same time a point of departure) that frames the possible analysis of the use of language.


In this paper we would to establish clearly that this perspective must be applied to pragmatic discourse analysis (Menéndez 1995, 1997, 1998) in which grammar and pragmatics can be put to work.


Discourse Analysis, in general, and Critical Discourse Analysis, in particular, have always affirm that a strong grammatic theory is necessary. Not always this statement has been proved. We would like to state that Systemic-Functional Grammar (Halliday 2003, Halliday and Mathiessen 2004) is an adecuate theory to carry on a well sustained Discourse Analysis.


We will prove that there is a correlation between the three main characteristic of Pragmatic Perspective with grammar, discourse and discourse´s interpretation to show the complement of these three analytical stages.


Therefore, we will affirm that variability is in relatonship with a system of paradigmatic choices (the system) ; negociability with combining these choices as resources that speakers/writes combine in order to make discourse strategies possibly and adaptability with the possibility of making a critical interpretation of the uses of these strategies. Three layers are, thus, established through three disciplines in the following way:


Variability/Grammar/Description

Negociability/Pragmatics Discourse Analysis/Explanation

Adaptability/ Critical Discourse Analysis /Interpretation

We will prove our point with the analysis of different data taken from two different, but related discursive series that will serve us as example of our proposal. We call the first one “discourse of grammar”, and the second one, “discourse of language and literature textbooks”.


References


Halliday, M.. 2003. On language and linguistics. J.Webster (ed.). London, Continuum.
Halliday, M & Mathiessen, Ch. 2004. An Introduction to Functional Grammar. London, Arnold.
Menéndez, S.M. 1995. Análisis pragmático del discurso: perspectiva textual y perspectiva discursiva. Anuario de Lingüística Hispánica. Valladolid: Universidad de Valladolid, 239-249.
Menéndez, S.M. 1997. Hacia una teoría del contexto discursivo. Tesis doctoral inédita. Facultad de Filosofía y Letras, Universidad de Buenos Aires.
Menéndez, S.M. 1998. El problema de definir “pragmática”. Buenos Aires, Facultad de Filosofía y Letras.
Verschueren, J. 1995. The pragmatic perspective. En Verschueren, J. Östman, J-O, Bloomaert, J. (eds.) Handbook of pragmatics. Manual. Amsterdam: Benjamins.
Verschueren, J. 1999. Understanding Pragmatics. London, Arnold.
What is Pragmatics?

by Shaozhong Liu




Definition


A subfield of linguistics developed in the late 1970s, pragmatics studies how people comprehend and produce a communicative act or speech act in a concrete speech situation which is usually a conversation (hence *conversation analysis). It distinguishes two intents or meanings in each utterance or communicative act of verbal communication. One is the informative intent or the sentence meaning, and the other the communicative intent or speaker meaning (Leech, 1983; Sperber and Wilson, 1986). The ability to comprehend and produce a communicative act is referred to as pragmatic competence (Kasper, 1997) which often includes one's knowledge about the social distance, social status between the speakers involved, the cultural knowledge such as politeness, and the linguistic knowledge explicit and implicit.


Focus and content


Some of the aspects of language studied in pragmatics include:
--Deixis: meaning 'pointing to' something. In verbal communication however, deixis in its narrow sense refers to the contextual meaning of pronouns, and in its broad sense, what the speaker means by a particular utterance in a given speech context.


--Presupposition: referring to the logical meaning of a sentence or meanings logically associated with or entailed by a sentence.


--Performative: implying that by each utterance a speaker not only says something but also does certain things: giving information, stating a fact or hinting an attitude. The study of performatives led to the hypothesis of Speech Act Theory that holds that a speech event embodies three acts: a locutionary act, an illocutionary act and a perlocutionary act (Austin, 1962; Searle, 1969).


--Implicature: referring to an indirect or implicit meaning of an utterance derived from context that is not present from its conventional use.


Pragmaticians are also keen on exploring why interlocutors can successfully converse with one another in a conversation. A basic idea is that interlocutors obey certain principles in their participation so as to sustain the conversation. One such principle is the Cooperative Principle which assumes that interactants cooperate in the conversation by contributing to the ongoing speech event (Grice, 1975). Another assumption is the Politeness Principle (Leech, 1983) that maintains interlocutors behave politely to one another, since people respect each other's face (Brown & Levinson 1978). A cognitive explanation to social interactive speech events was provided by Sperber and Wilson (1986) who hold that in verbal communication people try to be relevant to what they intend to say and to whom an utterance is intended.


The pragmatic principles people abide by in one language are often different in another. Thus there has been a growing interest in how people in different languages observe a certain pragmatic principle. Cross-linguistic and cross-cultural studies reported what is considered polite in one language is sometimes not polite in another. Contrastive pragmatics, however, is not confined to the study of a certain pragmatic principles. Cultural breakdowns, pragmatic failure, among other things, are also components of cross-cultural pragmatics.


Another focus of research in pragmatics is learner language or *interlanguage. This interest eventually evolved into interlanguage pragmatics, a branch of pragmatics which specifically discusses how non-native speakers comprehend and produce a speech act in a target language and how their pragmatic competence develops over time (Kasper & Blum-Kulka, 1993; Kasper, 1995). To date, a handful of cross-sectional, longitudinal and theoretical studies on classroom basis have been conducted and the potentials along the interface of pragmatics with SLA research have been widely felt. Topics of immediate interest to which language teachers at large may contribute seem just numerous. What are some of the pragmatic universals underlying L2 acquisition? What influences L1 exerts on the learner's L2 acquisition? How shall we measure the learner's pragmatic performance with a native pragmatic norm? These are but a few of the interesting ones and for more discussions see Kasper & Schmidt (1996), Bardovi-Harlig & Hartford (1996), Takahashi (1996), House (1996) and Cohen (1996).


History


Although pragmatics is a relatively new branch of linguistics, research on it can be dated back to ancient Greece and Rome where the term pragmaticus’ is found in late Latin and pragmaticos’ in Greek, both meaning of being practical’. Modern use and current practice of pragmatics is credited to the influence of the American philosophical doctrine of pragmatism. The pragmatic interpretation of semiotics and verbal communication studies in Foundations of the Theory of Signs by Charles Morris (1938), for instance, helped neatly expound the differences of mainstream enterprises in semiotics and linguistics. For Morris, pragmatics studies the relations of signs to interpreters’, while semantics studies the relations of signs to the objects to which the signs are applicable’, and syntactics studies the formal relations of signs to one another.’ By elaborating the sense of pragmatism in his concern of conversational meanings, Grice (1975) enlightened modern treatment of meaning by distinguishing two kinds of meaning, natural and non-natural. Grice suggested that pragmatics should centre on the more practical dimension of meaning, namely the conversational meaning which was later formulated in a variety of ways (Levinson, 1983; Leech, 1983).


Practical concerns also helped shift pragmaticians' focus to explaining naturally occurring conversations which resulted in hallmark discoveries of the Cooperative Principle by Grice (1975) and the Politeness Principle by Leech (1983). Subsequently, Green (1989) explicitly defined pragmatics as natural language understanding. This was echoed by Blakemore (1990) in her Understanding Utterances: The Pragmatics of Natural Language and Grundy (1995) in his Doing Pragmatics. The impact of pragmatism has led to crosslinguistic international studies of language use which resulted in, among other things, Sperber and Wilson's (1986) relevance theory which convincingly explains how people comprehend and utter a communicative act.


The Anglo-American tradition of pragmatic study has been tremendously expanded and enriched with the involvement of researchers mainly from the Continental countries such as the Netherlands, Denmark, Norway and Belgium. A symbol of this development was the establishment of the IPrA (the International Pragmatic Association) in Antwerp in 1987. In its Working Document, IPrA proposed to consider pragmatics as a theory of linguistic adaptation and look into language use from all dimensions (Verschueren, 1987). Henceforward, pragmatics has been conceptualized as to incorporate micro and macro components (Mey, 1993).


Throughout its development, pragmatics has been steered by the philosophical practice of pragmatism and evolving to maintain its independence as a linguistic subfield by keeping to its tract of being practical in treating the everyday concerned meaning.


Criticisms


A traditional criticism has been that pragmatics does not have a clear-cut focus, and in early studies there was a tendency to assort those topics without a clear status in linguistics to pragmatics. Thus pragmatics was associated with the metaphor of 'a garbage can' (Leech, 1983). Other complaints were that, unlike grammar which resorts to rules, the vague and fuzzy principles in pragmatics are not adequate in telling people what to choose in face of a range of possible meanings for one single utterance in context. An extreme criticism represented by Marshal (see Shi Cun, 1989) was that pragmatics is not eligible as an independent field of learning since meaning is already dealt with in semantics.


However, there is a consensus view that pragmatics as a separate study is more than necessary because it handles those meanings that semantics overlooks (Leech, 1983). This view has been reflected both in practice at large and in Meaning in Interaction: An Introduction to Pragmatics by Thomas (1995). Thus in spite of the criticisms, the impact of pragmatics has been colossal and multifaceted. The study of speech acts, for instance, provided illuminating explanation into sociolinguistic conduct. The findings of the cooperative principle and politeness principle also provided insights into person-to-person interactions. The choice of different linguistic means for a communicative act and the various interpretations for the same speech act elucidate human mentality in the relevance principle which contributes to the study of communication in particular and cognition in general. Implications of pragmatic studies are also evident in language teaching practices. Deixis, for instance, is important in the teaching of reading. Speech acts are often helpful for improving translation and writing. Pragmatic principles are also finding their way into the study of literary works as well as language teaching classrooms.


References


Austin, J. L. (1962) How to Do Things With Words, New York: Oxford University Press
Blakemore, D. (1990) Understanding Utterances: The Pragmatics of Natural Language, Oxford: Blackwell.
Brown, P. & Levinson, S. (1978) 'Universals in language usage: Politeness phenomena', in Goody, E. (ed.) Questions and Politeness: Strategies in Social Interaction, pp56~311, Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press.
Green, G. (1989) Pragmatics and Natural Language Understanding, Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum.
Grice, H. P. (1975) 'Logic and Conversation', in Cole, P. & Morgan, J. (eds.) Syntax and Semantics 3: Speech Acts, New York: Academic Press.
Grundy, P. (1995) Doing Pragmatics, London: Edward Arnold.
Kasper, G. & Blum-Kulka, S. (eds.) (1993) Interlanguage Pragmatics, Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Kasper, G. (1995) 'Interlanguage Pragmatics', in Verschueren, J. & Östman Jan-Ola & Blommaert, J. (eds.) Handbook of Pragmatics 1995, pp1~7, Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Co.
Kasper, G. (1997) 'Can Pragmatic Competence Be Taught?' (Network #6: http://www.lll.hawaii.edu/sltcc/F97NewsLetter/Pubs.htm), a paper delivered at the 1997 TESOL Convention.
Leech, G. (1983) Principles of Pragmatics, London: Longman.
Levinson, S. (1983) Pragmatics, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Mey, J. (1993) Pragmatics. An Introduction, Oxford: Blackwell.
Morris, C. (1938) 'Foundations of the Theory of Signs', in Carnap, R. Et al (eds.) International Encyclopedia of Unified Science, 2:1, Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.
Searle, J. (1969) Speech Acts, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press
Shi Cun (1989) 'Speeches at the IPrA Roundtable Conference' (1, 2,3), Xi'an: Teaching Research Issues 2,3,4.
Sperber, D. & Wilson, D. (1986) Relevance: Communication and Cognition, Oxford: Blackwell.
Thomas, J. (1995) Meaning in Interaction: An Introduction to Pragmatics, London: Longman.
Verschueren, J. (1987) Pragmatics as a Theory of Linguistic Adaptation, Working Document #1, Antwerp: International Pragmatics Association.


Linguistics


Broadly conceived, linguistics is the study of human language and a linguist is someone who engages in this study. The study of linguistic can be conceived as occuring along three major axes, the endpoints of which are described below:

  • Synchronic and diachronic -- Synchronic study of a language is concerned only with the language as it is at a given time; diachronic study is concerned with the history of a language or group of languages, and what structural changes have occurred.
  • Theoretical and applied -- Theoretic linguistics is concerned with creating frameworks for the description of individual languages as well as with theories about universal aspects of language.
  • Contextual and independent -- These terms are used only here for convenience as terms for this dichotomy are not well established--the Encyclopædia Britannica uses macrolinguistics and microlinguistics, apparently in analogy with macroeconomics and microeconomics. Contextual linguistics is concerned with how language fits into the world: its social function, but also how it is acquired, and how it is produced and perceived. Independent linguistics instead considers languages for their own sake, and without externalities related to a language.

Given these dichotomies, those scholars who call themselves simply linguists, with no qualification, tend to be primarily concerned with independent, theoretical synchronic linguistics, which is generally acknowledged as the core of the discipline. This is what is generally described by "theoretical linguistics".


Linguistic inquiry is pursued by a wide variety of specialists, who may not all be in harmonious agreement; as Russ Rymer flamboyantly puts it:


"Linguistics is arguably the most hotly contested property in the academic realm. It is soaked with the blood of poets, theologians, philosophers, philologists, psychologists, biologists, and neurologists, along with whatever blood can be got out of grammarians." [1]

Areas of theoretical linguistics


Theoretical linguistics is often divided into a number of separate areas, to be studied more or less independently. The following divisions are currently widely acknowledged:

  • phonetics, the study of the different sounds that are employed in a language;
  • phonology, the study of patterns of a language's basic sounds;
  • morphology, the study of the internal structure of words;
  • syntax, the study of how words combine to form grammatical sentences
  • semantics, the study of the literal meaning of words (lexical semantics), and how these combine to form the literal meanings of sentences;
  • stylistics, the study of style in languages;
  • pragmatics, the study of how utterances are used (literally, figuratively, or otherwise) in communicative acts;

The independent significance of each of these areas are not universally acknowledged, however, and nearly all linguists would agree that the divisions overlap considerably. Nevertheless, each subarea has core concepts that foster significant scholarly inquiry and research.


Diachronic linguistics


Whereas the core of theoretical linguistics is concerned with studying languages at a particular point in time (usually the present), diachronic linguistics examines how language changes through time, sometimes over centuries. Historical linguistics enjoys both a rich history (the study of linguistics grew out historical linguistics) and a strong theoretical foundation for the study of language change.

In American universities, the non-historic perspective seems to have the upper hand. Many introductory linguistics classes, for example, cover historical linguistics only cursorally. The shift in focus to a non-historic perspective started with Saussure and became predominant with Noam Chomsky.

Explicitly historical perspectives include historical-comparative linguistics and etymology.


Applied linguistics


Whereas theoretical linguistics is concerned with finding and describing generalities both within languages and among all languages, as a group, applied linguistics take the results of those findings and applies them to other areas. Usually applied linguistics refers to the use of linguistic research in language teaching, linguistics is used in other areas. Speech synthesis and Speech recognition, for example, use linguistic knowledge to provide voice interfaces to computers.

Contextual linguistics



Contextual linguistics is that realm where linguistics interacts with other academic disciplines. Whereas core theoretical linguistics studies languages for their own sake, the inder-disciplinary areas of linguistic consider how language interacts with the rest of the world.

Sociolinguistics, anthropological linguistics, and linguistic anthropology are where the social sciences that consider societies as whole and linguistics interact.

Critical discourse analysis is where rhetoric and philosophy interact with linguistics.

psycholinguistics and neurolinguistics is the where the medical sciences meets linguistics.

Other cross-disciplinary areas of linguistics include language acquisition, evolutionary linguistics, stratificational linguistics, and cognitive science.


Individual speakers, language communities, and linguistic universals


Linguists also differ in how broad a group of language users they study. Some analyze a given speaker's language or language development in great detail. Some study language pertaining to a whole speech community, such as the language of all those who speak Black English Vernacular. Others try to find linguistic universals that apply, at some abstract level, to all users of human language everywhere. This latter project has been most famously been advocated by Noam Chomsky, and it interests many people in psycholinguistics and cognitive science. It is thought that universals in human language may reveal important insight into universals about the human mind.

Description and prescription


Most work currently done under the name "linguistics" is purely descriptive; the linguists seek to clarify the nature of language without passing value judgments or trying to chart future language directions. Nonetheless, there are many professionals and amateurs who also prescribe rules of language, holding a particular standard out for all to follow.

Whereas prescriptivists might want to stamp out what they perceive as "incorrect usage", descriptivists seek to find the root of such usage; they might describe it simply as "idiosyncratic", or they may discover a regularity that the prescriptivists don't like because it is perhaps too new or from a dialect they don't approve of.


Speech versus writing


Most contemporary linguists work under the assumption that spoken language is more fundamental, and thus more imporant to study, than writing. Reasons for this standpoint include:
  • Speech appears to be a human universal, whereas there are and have been many cultures that lack written communication;
  • People learn to speak and process oral language easier and earlier than writing;
  • A number of cognitive scientists argue that the brain has an innate "language module", knowledge of which is thought to come more from studying speech than writing.

Of course, linguists agree that that the study of written language can be worthwhile and valuable. For linguistic research that uses the methods of corpus linguistics and computational linguistics, written language is often much more convenient for processing large amounts of linguistic data. Large corpuses of spoken language are difficult to create and hard to find.

Furthermore, the study of writing systems themselves falls under the aegis of linguistics.


Research areas of linguistics



phonetics, phonology, syntax, semantics, pragmatics, etymology, lexicology, lexicography, theoretical linguistics, historical-comparative linguistics and descriptive linguistics, linguistic typology, computational linguistics, corpus linguistics, semiotics.


Inter-disciplinary linguistic research



applied linguistics, historical linguistics, orthography, writing systems, comparative linguistics, cryptanalysis, decipherment, sociolinguistics, linguistic anthropology, critical discourse analysis, psycholinguistics, language acquisition, evolutionary linguistics, anthropological linguistics, stratificational linguistics, cognitive science, neurolinguistics, and in computer science there is natural language understanding, speech recognition, speaker recognition (authentication), speech synthesis, and more generally, speech processing


Important linguists and schools of thought



Early scholars of linguistics include Jacob Grimm, who devised the principle of consonantal shifts in pronunciation known as Grimm's Law in 1822, Karl Verner, who discovered Verner's Law, August Schleicher who created the "Stammbaumtheorie" and Johannes Schmidt who developed the "Wellentheorie" ("wave model") in 1872. Ferdinand de Saussure was the founder of modern structural linguistics. Noam Chomsky's formal model of language, transformational-generative grammar, developed under the influence of his teacher Zellig Harris, who was in turn strongly influenced by Leonard Bloomfield, has been the dominant one from the 1960s.


Other important linguists and schools include Michael Halliday, whose systemic functional grammar is pursued widely in the U.K., Canada, Australia, China, and Japan; Dell Hymes, who developed a pragmatic approach called The Ethnography of Speaking; George Lakoff, Len Talmy, and Ronald Langacker, who were pioneers in cognitive linguistics; Charles Fillmore and Adele Goldberg, who are associated with construction grammar; and linguists developing several varieties of what they call functional grammar, including Talmy Givon and Robert Van Valin, Jr..


Representation of speech



Narrower conceptions of "linguistics"



"Linguistics" and "linguist" may not always be meant to apply as broadly as above. In some contexts, the best definitions may be "what is studied in a typical university's department of linguistics", and "one who is a professor in such a department." Linguistics in this narrow sense usually does not refer to learning to speak foreign languages (except insofar as this helps to craft formal models of language.) It does not include literary analysis. Only sometimes does it include study of things such as metaphor. It probably does not apply to those engaged in such prescriptive efforts as found in Strunk and White's The Elements of Style; "linguists" usually seek to study what people do, not what they should do. One could probably argue for a long while about who is and who is not a "linguist".


References



On communicative and linguistic competence




LINGUISTIC COMPETENCE


Chomsky states that linguistic theory is concerned with an ideal speaker/listener in a completely homogeneous speech community who knows language perfectly and is not affected by factors such as memory limitations or distractions. He specifies his positions about the ideal speaker/listener in a statement that grammatical or linguistic competence is a cognitive state which "encompasses those aspects of form and meaning and their relations, including underlying structures that enter into that relation which are properly assigned to the specific sub-system of the human mind that relates representations of form and meaning." (Chomsky 1980: 24-59).


In a statement about generative grammar, he says it is expressive of principles which determine the intrinsic correlation of sound and meaning in language. It is also a theory of linguistic competence, a speaker's unconscious latent knowledge (Chomsky 1966: 46-47). He adds that serious investigation of generative grammars quickly reveals that rules which determine sentence forms and their interpretations are both intricate and abstract: the structures they manipulate "are related to physical fact only in a remote way by a long chain of interpretive rules." And it is because of the abstractness of linguistic representations that the analytic procedures of modern linguistics--with their reliance on segmentation and classification, as well as, principles of association and generalization in empiricist psychology--must be rejected.


This is, of course, clear rejection by Chomsky of phrase structure grammar and principles of operant conditioning in behaviorist psychology popularized in audio-lingual approaches to target language learning. And it was partially, but significantly in reaction to audiolingualism that communicative language teaching (C.L.T.) arose. The Chomskyan opposition to behaviorism should not, however, be seen as compatible with negative reaction in communicative language teaching circles to audio-lingualism. C.L.T., audio-lingualism, as well as behaviorism, are all experientially based. Chomsky's views of generative grammar, linguistic competence and language teaching are decidedly not. In fact, his general remarks about contemporary language teaching are not complimentary.


While dealing with reasons for distinctions between the difficulty in teaching target language to adults and the ease of childhood language learning, Chomsky (1988: 179-182) made these remarks:

   Use your common sense and use your experience and don't
listen too much to the scientists, unless you find that
what they say is really of practical value and of assistance
in understanding the problems you face, as sometimes it truly
is.

He is, however, more explicit when he says, persons involved in a practical activity such as language teaching should not take what are happening in the sciences seriously, because the capacity to carry out practical activities without much conscious awareness of what is being done is usually far more advanced than scientific knowledge.


Ideas in the modern sciences of linguistics and psychology, which are of little practical use to understanding the distinctions, "are totally crazy and they may cause trouble." He adds that modern linguistics has very little to contribute which is of practical value. Language, he says, is not learnt. It grows in the mind. It is thus, wrong to think that language is taught and misleading to think of it as being learnt. (Chomsky 1982: 175-176).



COMMUNICATIVE COMPETENCE


To get a better picture of communicative competence, let's state some of the prominent and enduring applied linguistic views of communicative competence.


Savignon (1985: 130) views communicative competence as:

   ... the ability to function in a truly communicative setting
--that is a dynamic exchange in which linguistic competence
must adapt itself to the total information input, both linguistic
and paralinguistic of one or more interlocutors. Communicative
competence includes grammatical competence (sentence level grammar),
socio-linguistic competence (an understanding of the social context
in which language is used), discourse competence (an understanding
of how utterances are strung together to form a meaningful whole),
and strategic competence (a language user's employment of strategies
to make the best use of what s/he knows about how a language works,
in order to interpret, express, and negotiate meaning in a given
context).

According to Canale and Swain, communicative competence is composed minimally of grammatical competence, sociolinguistic competence, and communication strategies or strategic competence. The first includes knowledge of the lexical items and rules of morphology, syntax, sentence grammar, semantics, and phonology. The second consists of two sets of rules, socio-cultural rules of use and rules of discourse, knowledge of both of which, is crucial to interpreting utterances for social meaning particularly when "there is a low level of transparency between the literal meaning of an utterance and the speaker's intention."


Strategic competence consists of verbal and non-verbal strategies of communication that may be employed to compensate for communication breakdown attributable to "performance variables or to insufficient competence." Communication strategies are of two kinds: those that are relevant, mainly to grammatical competence and those that relate more to socio-linguistic competence. An example of the first kind is to paraphrase grammatical forms that a person has not mastered or cannot recall, momentarily, while examples of the second would be the various role playing strategies such as how a stranger should be addressed by someone who is uncertain about the stranger's social status.


Other applied linguists, notably, Bachman (1990) and Blum-Kulka and Levenston (1983: 120), have offered additional extensions to communicative competence. Blum-Kulka view semantic competence as consisting of:


1. Awareness of hyponymy, antonymy, converseness, and other possible systematic links between lexical items, by means of which, the substitution of one lexical item for another can be explained in particular contexts.


2. Ability to avoid using specific lexical items by means of circumlocution and paraphrase.


3. Ability to recognize degrees of paraphrasic equivalence.


Bachman has posited two core aspects of linguistic competence, organizational competence which subsumes grammatical and discourse competence, as well as, pragmatic competence which encompasses illocutionary and sociolinguistic competence.


In describing what she regards as a conceptual expansion, Kasper (1997: 345) notes that strategic competence operates at the levels of pragmatic and organizational competence but in a broader sense than that proposed by Canale and Swain. While the ability to solve receptive and productive problems due to lack of knowledge or accessibility remains an aspect of strategic competence, it is now more generally thought of as the ability to use linguistic knowledge efficiently. She adds that the extension is compatible with the view that language use, a version of goal oriented behavior, is always strategic.


It is the American anthropologist, Dell Hymes, in the early seventies, who first put forth the idea of communicative competence. Schacter (1990: 39-40) notes that the "model" of communicative competence proposed initially by him gave tremendous impetus to linguists frustrated by a principal focus on grammatical competence.


Two of those linguists, Tarone and Yule (1989: 17) identify a major shift in perspective within the second language teaching profession.


In relatively simple terms, there has been a change of emphasis from presenting language as a set of forms (grammatical, phonological, lexical) which have to be learned and practiced, to presenting language as a functional system which is used to fulfill a range of communicative purposes. This shift in emphasis has largely taken place as a result of fairly convincing arguments, mainly from ethnographers and others who study language in its context of use, that the ability to use a language should be described as communicative competence.


The principal ethnographer is, of course, Hymes (1971a, 1972, 1977, and 1988) whom Ellis and Roberts (1987: 18-19) claim was interested in: what degree of competence speaker/hearers needed in order to give themselves membership of particular speech communities. He examined what factors--particularly socio-cultural ones--in addition to "grammatical competence" are required for speaker/hearers to participate in meaningful interaction.


Ellis and Roberts add that not only did Hymes "set the sociocultural ball rolling", but he also demonstrated how language variation correlated with social and cultural norms of speech events or certain defined public interactions. And in one of his earliest statements about the broad version of competence Hymes (1971b: 5-10) says the purpose of the linguist is to account for the fact that a "normal child" acquires much more than grammatical knowledge of sentences.


The linguist's problem is to explain how the child comes rapidly to be able to produce and understand (in principle) any and all of grammatical sentences of a language. If we consider a child actually capable of producing all possible sentences, he would probably be institutionalized particularly if not only the sentences but also speech or silence were random or unpredictable. We then have to account for the fact that a normal child acquires knowledge of sentences not only as grammatical but also as appropriate. This is not accounted for in a transformational grammar which divides linguistic theory into two parts: linguistic competence and linguistic performance.


Hymes adds that children acquire repertoires of speech acts and are capable of participating in the performance of speech acts, as well as, evaluating the speech acts of others.


Hymes is talking about competence which is integral to attitudes and values concerning language and other codes of communication. Here is reference to "social factors" which he exemplifies as positive productive aspects of linguistic engagement in social life: there are rules of use without which rules of grammar would be useless.


Criper and Widdowson (1978: 154-157), two principal protagonists of communicative language teaching, adopt a similar stance. They note Chomsky's distinction between competence (the ideal language user's knowledge of grammatical rules) and performance (actual realization of the knowledge in utterances) and add that he has made the latter a prime object of linguistic study. Such choice--they claim--has allowed him to define linguistics by restricting the kind of information about language which has to be accounted for within his theoretical framework.


They characterize the choice as a necessary investigative step in confronting limited problems and achieving their partial or complete solutions prior to increasing the complexity of data studied. This approach is, however, too limited for the language teacher who is concerned, simultaneously, with competence in describing or contrasting language systems and ways of using the systems. In a particular reference to language learning, they say it means learning rules of use, as well as, rules of formal linguistic systems.


Until learners know how to use grammatical resources for sending meaningful messages in real life situations, they cannot be said to know a language. It is essential that they know what varieties of language are used in specific situations, how to vary styles according to their addresses, when they should speak or be silent, what types of gestures are needed for different forms of speech. They insist that the very essence of language is it serves as a means of communication. Language use involves social interaction.


Thus, knowing a language means knowing how it fulfils communicative function. And in what is, surely expression of preference for the broad version of competence, they state that it is inadequate for persons to possess knowledge about rules of sentence formation, they must also know how to utilize rules for the purpose of producing appropriate utterances.


The Hymesian position is endorsed, also, by Hudson (1980: 219-220) who regards communicative competence as much more broadly based than "the 'linguistic competence' of Chomskyan linguistics". Communicative competence includes knowledge of linguistic forms, and ability to use the forms appropriately.


If all of the aforementioned references to competence are appropriate indicators of the broad version, then it would appear that this version could be of dual significance to communicativists. Not only is there indication, within this version, that action is meaningful, it seems, also, to be a version which is entirely compatible with the communicative aim of assisting students to produce target language as central feature of their social interaction. Hence, the broad version could be employed to help learners. And according to Stern (1990: 94-95), interest in communicative language teaching has grown and spread since the late nineteen seventies. "Communication or communicative competence has come to be viewed as the main objective of language teaching; at the same time, communication has increasingly been seen as the instrument, the method, or way of teaching."


Quite apart from Stern's position, Canale and Swain (1980: 35-36) imply, very strongly, that communicative competence could be used as a significant basis to helping students produce target language as a central feature of their social interaction. They state that one of the many aspects of communicative competence which must be investigated, more rigorously, before a communicative approach can be implemented fully in the areas of second language teaching and testing is: development of administratively feasible classroom activities that can be used to encourage meaningful action in target language use.


Some of these activities have been developed by Tarone and Yule (1989: 68-128). They analyze and discuss means, as well as, instruments classroom teachers can utilize to determine students' abilities within areas of grammatical, sociolinguistic, and strategic competence.


It is these very areas which are analyzed as some of the significant components in a Bilingual Proficiency Project, a highly ambitious effort to provide what Schacter (1990: 39) views as empirical justification for a model of linguistic proficiency. This five year research project was conducted in the nineteen eighties at the Modern Language Centre, Ontario Institute for Studies in Education, Canada. The main purpose of this project was to examine a group of educationally relevant issues concerned with the second language development of school age children. Three of the issues were the effect of classroom treatment on second language learning, the relation of social-environmental factors to bilingual proficiency, and the relation between age and language proficiency (Allen, Cummins, Harley, and Swain 1990: 1).


While Schacter does express reservations about adequacy and clarity of the concept, communicative competence, as well as, its exemplification in the project, she does not recommend its rejection. She--in fact--endorses Chomsky's grammatical or linguistic competence, although she notes three issues of special relevance to the project. They are: what are the major constitutive components of communicative competence, whether--and to what extent--the components can be delineated clearly.


In responding to her concerns, not only do project researchers, (Allen, Cummins, Harley, and Swain 1990: 53) accept Chomsky's linguistic competence, but they also claim to be demonstrating a broadening of competence. An exchange between the two parties about competence is quite revealing.


Schacter says that beyond the level of isolated sentences, confusion, disagreement and fragmentation are reflected in "the overall state of knowledge" about communicative competence. On the other hand, the researchers emphasize that grammar, discourse, and sociolinguistic constructs do not "represent everything that is involved in communicative competence." They, however, express their research aims: isolate aspects of communicative competence they consider to be educationally relevant, test the hypothesis that these aspects would emerge "as distinct components and would be differentially manifested under different task conditions and in different learning settings."


It would not be unreasonable to state that efforts to identify some of the foregoing aspects take place by examining communication strategies among foreign and second language users. Standing prominently among the investigators are: Yule and Tarone (1997), Poulisse (1997), Rampton (1997), Wilkes-Gibbs (1997), Kasper and Kellerman (1997), Wagner and Firth (1997). There is, doubtless, no single account of what constitutes communication strategies. These strategies can, however, be classified under two broad categories, those derived from psycholinguistic and interactional views of communication.


The psycholinguistic or "intra-individual" perspective is neatly summarized by Kasper and Kellerman (1997: 2) who state that its proponents locate CS in models of speech production or cognitive organization and processing. Proponents of the interactive approach, on the other hand, locate communication strategies within the social and contextually contingent aspects of language production which covers features of use characterized as "problematic." (Wagner and Firth 1997: 325-327).


Crucial to understanding these problematic aspects is knowing about markers which indicate that speakers experience difficulty in expressing talk. Such speakers "flag" problems in discourse encoding, thus signaling the imminence of a communication strategy. Flagging provides speaker/hearers with information about how utterances are to be interpreted and acted upon and can be exemplified by such phenomena as pausing, change of voice quality, or intonation contour, and rhythms.


Wagner and Firth note that what is essential to the interactional approach is investigating how communication is attained as a situated, contingent accomplishment. Interactionists regard communication strategies as things displayed publicly and made visible to an analyst via participants' actions. Emphasis is on the social, rather than, individual or cognitive processes underlying talk. Interactionists define instances of talk as communication strategies, if and only if participants, themselves, make an encoded related problem public in the talk and, thus, engage, individually or collaboratively, in efforts to resolve the problem. Communication strategies are available to analysts, only in so far as they are produced and reacted upon by parties to talk. Further, the encoding problem may be either purely linguistic or a combination of the linguistic and conceptual.



CONCLUSION


When we draw some implications into language classroom from the development of the theory of communicative competence, the term communicative approach is often associated with it. On the surface level, it seems reasonable to say that the goal of communicative approach of language teaching is to make learners acquire communicative competence. If it is so, then learners have to cover all related components that were discussed above. This is too demanding a goal for any learner to achieve.


We must be aware that there is some degree of discrepancy between the principles of Communicative Language Teaching and what the theory of Communicative Competence suggests. Communicative Language Teaching emphasized on the ability to execute one's communicative needs rather than on the complete knowledge of language use for communication. According to Richards and Rodgers (1986), Communicative Language Teaching has some priority principles such as:


The notion of Communicative Competence intended by Hymes does not provide any priorities for any single components, or aspects over another. Hymes did not claim that a language user does not need to have a accurate knowledge of linguistic form or usage, but rather claimed that the perfect knowledge of linguistic form is not enough to make him/her a communicatively competent language user. Wolfson (1989) points out that grammatical competence is an intrinsic part of communicative competence but in many cases, the term Communicative Competence misinterpreted for language teachers and curriculum developers as the separation of grammatical competence from Communicative Competence.


If Communicative Language Teaching's goal should be the acquisition of Communicative Competence in TL, this is highly demanding for any L2 learner to achieve and does not seem achievable, consequently. Therefore, if we need to set up an accessible goal of LT, we must first assess what kind and level of communicative competence will be sufficient for specific L2 learners in a specific situations. This means that learning goals cannot be prescribed until learners' needs and wants and the contexts in which they use TL are described. Also, the curriculum has to be designed by the gradual developmental change of learner's language. Therefore, the focuses and emphases on form/function or fluency/accuracy should be shifted and consequently, the priorities mentioned above will be changed as the course and language learners' language ability progress.



REFERENCES


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